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Vladimir Yerofeyev worked in the Soviet Foreign Ministry during the early years of the Cold War under the direction of Foreign Minister V.M. Molotov. His position brought him in frequent contact with Stalin and made him a behind-the-scenes witness to Kremlin personalities and Cold War policy. Yerofeyev was interviewed for the COLD WAR series in December 1995. On the Soviet Union under Stalin and Molotov: I'm absolutely sure that the external policy [of the Soviet Union] can't be understood if you don't understand the character and the nature of these two people! The two of them defined external policy during some decades. Nobody else could influence external policy. Nobody else was involved in it. Those two people drafted the policy in their character -- actually defined the policy. All the [other people] either gave information about what was happening or they were just aides. So their opinion might be taken into consideration, or might not. And all Politburo members were also only aides, so they were listened to, but the decision was [Stalin's or Molotov's]. On Stalin, the leader: Stalin had a magnetic character, a magnetic impact on people. He had, as we would say today, a very strong presence. He did indeed have a very strong effect on people. It was simply a physical effect. Sometimes when I sat in my office with my back to the door, and he entered without making any noise, I could not hear him coming in but I could sense it with my skin. Also, Stalin had that incredible ability to sense any sense of doubt or indecisiveness in an individual. If someone was even slightly unconfident, that was equal to death. He could get anything out of you with one glance. He was a man who commanded great authority. His authority simply could not be questioned. All other people around him were quite mediocre. They were perhaps intelligent, but judging on experience and character they simply could not compare with him. Lastly, Stalin had very refined ways of maintaining control over people. For instance, wives of some Politburo members were arrested; they were held as a kind of hostage to control the behavior of these people. On the relationship between Stalin and Molotov: Friendship, as I could judge, did not exist. They were tied, connected together, but there was no close friendship. Stalin didn't like Molotov's character -- he was pushy, bureaucratic -- but nevertheless he elevated him. Everybody called Molotov "Mr. No." But if Mr. Molotov was "Mr. Yes," then Stalin would never have tolerated him, because that was exactly what Stalin needed. [Molotov's] role was to know for sure the position of another country, and that's why he pushed people, he was aggressive. Molotov's character was suited to say "no" to everything. He was not sentimental, he didn't like jokes -- didn't know how to joke and didn't like it. He was very boring -- but he was very hard-working. Stalin always very thoroughly followed all the key moments. Sometimes he couldn't pay attention to details for a certain period of time, but he was very, very tough and very attentive when he didn't agree with something. He demanded absolute power, and Molotov sometimes didn't like it and was ready to show his argument. He threw his file on the table and would [argue], but of course he followed what he was told. So he followed; but sometimes he criticized Stalin. Stalin wrote a book on economic issues of the Soviet Union and Molotov said, "The book is not right." Of course Stalin didn't like it. Sometimes he allowed [Molotov] to oppose him. On Stalin, the man: Stalin impressed me greatly when I came near him and I translated for him with French-speaking people. I was very much surprised how such a person who was not very tall, with [such] a face, and who couldn't speak Russian very well, and was no orator -- how could he occupy this position and how could he look so impressive? Not just intellectually but physically as well. But I should say that I was shocked by his memory. It was something extraordinary. He never used any notes. He never used any documents. I saw him in different situations. Once, for instance, there was a dinner party for a foreign delegation -- all foreign delegations were invited, and Politburo members. Stalin was sitting in a beautiful sand-colored overcoat with a star of general. He looked beautiful in military uniform though he didn't wear it often. He was very cheerful, in high spirits, and the main guest was sitting down then, an interpreter and all other guests, and Soviet guests, too. And when the waiters brought the dish, something like turkey, one of them dropped some red-colored sauce on Stalin's sand-colored overcoat. So everybody stopped; everybody was in shock. What would happen? Because it resembled a drop of blood. But Stalin didn't react; he continued to talk with his friend. Somebody came up to him with some water, trying to wash it out, but Stalin said, "Oh no, no," and he was absolutely calm. Everybody saw that everything was OK so everybody started to eat, the routine continued, and Stalin remained very calm. So he could be very quiet in public. Sure, I can give a lot of examples. Nobody knew about his private life. I think that Molotov didn't know about it either. Once I asked Molotov: "Why did you use these nicknames: Stalin, Molotov? Where did you get those names?" And he answered, "I don't know." I asked him several times and Stalin said, "Well, I used it once and then I liked it." On the Soviet reaction to the Marshall Plan: I should say that the feelings were conflicting. On the one hand, there was a feeling to agree to discuss the question; [this] was Molotov's opinion. He even wrote a note to Central Committee proving that it's necessary to start negotiations. But he understood that help was necessary and even in his response he said that reconstruction is the main aim of all the people and the help of the United States should be greeted [warmly]. So his reaction was positive to the Marshall Plan. As to Stalin -- with his suspicion -- he didn't like it. [His position was], "It's nothing like Lend-Lease; [it's] a different situation and they don't want to help us. They want the European countries; they want to infiltrate." On Stalin's security state: We all lived under the constant watch of the state security organs. Even we who held prominent positions in the government, within the leadership. For instance, once I was on vacation, and I was asked to return to Moscow because in the study where I was working together with my colleague -- there were two of us between our two tables -- they found a postcard, a reproduction of Stalin's portrait by a French painter. And [Security Chief] Beria took it as a caricature of Stalin, and so we were brought to Moscow for investigation. But my colleague said that it was his postcard, so he was fired immediately and then after some difficulties he was given a post in foreign affairs ministry, but to the lowest possible position. I think that it was due to Stalin's terrible illness -- this suspicion was like an illness. He was so suspicious he trusted no one. In his later days he allowed no doctors near him, even when his condition was very serious. He believed that doctors might poison him or kill him. This was all due to the illness and multiplied by his old age and his lifelong ideology he believed in, i.e., that the enemies who always surround you should be constantly eliminated. Once a famous doctor who had a worldwide reputation was asked how Stalin was. He replied: "What can I say? He's paranoid." He was killed on Stalin's orders a few days later. |
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